The "micro-histories" of fear: Erfurt & the KPD

Part I: January to May 1920
Part II: June to the Fall of 1920
Part III: Erfurt and the DNVP

The KPD started its newspaper, Der Kommunist, in May 1919 for Erfurt readers. It drew support from "Spartkists", who had sided with the uprisings in early 1919, and local independent socialists who were disenchanted with the old socialist party, the SPD. The Communist's editors also addressed the perceived lower middle class and other groups, whom they thought they could mobilize for its politics. For much of their first year of political activity under the banners of Independent Socialism (represented in the Vorwaerts daily newspaper too) and Communism, people in Erfurt kept their activity to public demonstrations and repeatedly hoisting a red flag on the Rathaus (which the local DNVP's supporters did not like). However, in the midwinter and early spring many were actively preparing for the chance to take up arms for the Revolution. After their failure to instigate that Communist Revolution by exploiting the General Strike of the "March Days" (see Part I), local Communists turned to the First national republican parliamentary elections scheduled for June 1920. The records of this newspaper in the Erfurt municipal archives, unfortunately, ends in June 1920.

The call for a new struggle
At the beginning of 1920 in an article entitled, “New Year – New Struggle” (The Communist, Nr. 1, 3 January 1920), the editors sketched the current situation. For the majority of those comrades still living the past year of 1919 was a year of greatest disappointment, a year of horror and the most bitter physical and spiritual torture. […] What will the near future bring? That is the anxious question which moves millions of hearts and minds at the turn of the new year.

In the rearguard
On page 2, the editors carried Maxim Gorki's article, “What is the lower middle class person (Kleinbuerger)?” Gorki wrote: Life is known as the struggle of the lords for power and of the servants for freedom from the yoke of this power. The tempo of this struggle is accelerating more and more with the increasing feeling of personal worth and the consciousness of the unified class interests among the Volk masses.

The lower middle class wanted to live quietly and agreeably without actively participating in this struggle; its favorite position was a peaceful existence in the rearguard of the strongest army. The internally powerless lower middle class bows to the visibly raw power of its government. When, however, as we have seen and still see, the government begins to become criminal, then the lower middle class becomes capable of begging or even taking its part in power over the land, whereby it draws from the strength of the Volk and relies on the hands of the same for achieving its desires.


The Reaction
As word of a possible right wing military coup spread, the editors of the Communist carried the headlines, “The Reaction Marches” (The Communist, Nr. 13, 11 March 1920), “Monarchist demonstrations in Potsdam; closure of the officers school there”.


Pogroms?
On age 2, in their “Political Overview”, the Communist editors described “Pogrom exercises” for its readers. On January 13^th 42 proletarians were shot to death by the security police in front of the Reichstag. What has followed is the Reich’s state of emergency, the suppression of the revolutionary press and protective detention for hundreds of revolutionaries. The military-monarchical counterrevolution promptly drew consequences from this fact… […] The first result was the revolver shots that Mr. von Hirschfeld fired on Erzberger (Matthias Erzberger, The current German Reichs Financial Minister). The independent German judiciary deemed the attack on the life of one of the democratic government’s leaders worth 1.5 years imprisonment. The so called public opinion praised the young hero of the “Black Hundred” (Schwarzhunderttum) with the laurel leaf and the Juenglingsstirn (? An honor for youth?).


The March Days of 1920 (see Part I)


The Housing Emergency
On page 4, the editors wrote about the local housing situation in “From the Local Districts”; from their view, the housing crisis was increasingly threatening; millions of people did not have a chance of finding even the most modest roof for their heads.

Weapons
In “The Call to the First of May” (The Communist, Nr. 23, 29 April 1920), the Communist's editors sought to mobilize local people for its coming demonstration. Workers! Comrades! In May 1919 the White Guards closed the iron ring around revolutionary Muenchen. The Noske Regiment completed its victory run. The middle class Democracy created a new weapon for itself in these struggles against the Proletariat: the Reichs Army with its aristocratic (Junker) officers, the citizens’ defense units and the Freikorps. The proletariat is being disarmed. The middle class Democracy has realized itself as a government by the saber, as the dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie.

The Red Army Advance
In “Advance of the Red Army” (The Communist, Nr. 41, 22 May 1920), the editors reported from new actions on the front of the war between pro-Soviet and anti-Soviet forces in the Ukraine and Poland. In the area around Borissow a Polish airplane was shot down. In the area around Kiev our units are advancing. […] Northeast of Kiev the battle is on.

The frightening social crisis
In “To the Comrades of the District of Thueringen!” (The Communist, Nr. 46, 29 May 1920), the editors of the Communist sought to mobilize voters for the upcoming national elections. Party Comrades! Men and Women! […] At every opportunity it must be clearly and sharply emphasized that the victory of the Proletarian Revolution cannot be achieved through elections and parliamentary decrees. The insidious illusion must be destroyed that a social democratic majority in parliament can bring about Socialism or at least an amelioration of the increasingly frightening social crisis! Tell the Proletariat that our representatives should not go to parliament in order to whittle away the advantages of the Proletariat for the representatives of the Bourgeoisie. Our representatives in parliament have no other task there but to ruthlessly strip capitalism and its agents of their masks for the whole world to see and call the masses to struggle from the tribune of the parliament for the dictatorship of the councils (Raetediktatur)! […] Our solutions are no division of power with the Bourgeoisie! No weapons in the hands of the Bourgeoisie! All weapons in the hands of the Proletariat! All power to the councils of the working Volk in the city and on the land!

Only work can save us
In“Only Work Can Save Us!” (The Communist, Nr. 49, 2 June 1920) on page 2, the editors of the Communist invoked the memories of the recent past. Remember the 15,000 proletarians, whom Noske had slaughtered in the name of democracy! Choose Spartakus! […] Send no social traitor or pseudo revolutionary to parliament! Vote for the Communists!

Cooperation with Soviet Russia
In the lead up to the June national parliamentary elections, the editors of the Communist carried banners in the headers and footers of each of its pages such as, “Spartakus fights for the closest cooperation with Soviet Russia. Send Communists to Parliament!” (The Communist, Nr. 50, 3 June 1920).

The Women Warriors for Communism
In “Women as the Warriors for Communism” (The Communist, Nr. 51, 4 June 1920), the editors of the Communist foresaw a special role for women. […] As soon as working women join the advanced socialist warriors for Communism the danger of rumors and the intrigues of pastors and village leaders, which incite the masses against the hated Bolsheviks, will disappear.

Hangman's work and sending Black Troops to Poland
In “Support Troops for Poland on the Way through Germany” (The Communist, Nr. 59, 13 June 1920), the editors of the Communist wrote about the possible role of German railway workers in supporting the use of French colonial black troops for the fight against Communism in Poland, a possibility which the local middle class press had called a racial insult in the French occupation of the Ruhr. The withdrawal of colored troops from the Saarland is foreseen for the middle of June. The troops are designated to go to Poland. The Saarland will maintain a French occupying force. The troops must make their way through Germany. German railway workers will be designated to transport them. However, the same German Bourgeoisie, who has just staged a national indignation against the “black insult”, suggests an insulting hangman’s work for the German proletariat against its Russian brothers.

Housing crisis
In “Increasing Housing Misery” (The Communist, Nr. 60, 15 June 1920, p. 4.), the editors of the Communist invoked a problem that must have been persistent among some of its intended audience. From their editorial view, the problem would grow worse because the recent national decree for the removal of housing shortages had been declared inadmissible by a court in Hannover.

Democracy in Crisis
In the wake of the parliamentary election results (see Part II), the editors of the Communist published, “The Continuing Crisis of the Democracy” (The Communist, Nr. 64, 19 June 1920), and proclaimed, “The Dying Democracy” in its subheading. […] The Democracy should have brought salvation from all need, should have brought the war to a favorable conclusion, the glorious peaceful understanding, etc. – and the Volk masses, who have just awoken with dumb heads from the frenzy of a patriotic shroud, believed in it with almost religious conviction. Not only the workers, but the broad masses of the lower middle class and the farmers began to believe in the Democracy; even large sections of the Bourgeoisie saw in it its way out of all difficulties. […] Only a small group of advanced proletarians, who rallied around the Communists, opposed the belief in Democracy and fought it from the very beginning as the cover for the counter revolution. […] Since then things have fundamentally changed. The military power has gained control of the situation and from the excitement for the Democracy there is barely a hint left to feel.

The "micro-histories" of fear: Erfurt & the DNVP

Part I: January to May 1920

Part II: June to the Fall of 1920

The DNVP was the German National Volks Party. In Erfurt, local elites gathered around this political party and helped start the Mitteldeutsche Newspaper (MZ) in 1919 in order to profile a more nationalist and conservative rightwing voice in the local media, especially to compete with the most widely read and highly respectable middle class paper, the Thueringer Allgemeine Newspaper (TAZ). In the wake of the First World War, they saw themselves as the proper voices to guide the people of Erfurt.

In “Weapons of the Spirit” (MZ, Nr. 136, So., 29. Mai 1920), the MZ reported on Communist deeds in Jena. At the German Nationalist meeting in the Volkshaussaale, Mr. Wilhelm von Trotha spoke to German Nationals about the new times they all found themselves in. According to the report, a mass of people were in attendance with Russian haircuts, openly hairy men’s chests and short English pipes. Those who did not have this uniform at least wore a tie. Every one who was aware of the local relations knew that the evening was developing like a storm. However, the results were much greater than expected.

From his very first word, Mr. Trotha’s objective and calm speech was interrupted by “Gebruell”, “Johlen” and “Schimpfereien” (onomatopoetic words for screaming and insulting). According to the MZ reporter, every one knew that is was an organized action. They tried to talk Mr. Trotha to death (totzuschreien), but only his cold bloodedness and “Gewandtheit” enabled him to bring the whole speech to its conclusion. Twice, they had to resort to their fists to help their throats and lungs. Three men, who had made it known they were members of the rightwing parties, were forced out of the room by pushing and punching. After the speech the real scandal broke loose. A small group pushed forward like a “Stosstrupp” (a strike force). Several people were encircled, forced into a corner and severely mishandled. The lights went out briefly. The election posters of the German Nationals were torn to pieces and stomped on. Instead of fists flying there were now stool legs. Several women were insulted and threatened. The “victors” celebrated their triumph by singing the Workers’ Marseillaise and other revolutionary tunes. Two of them gave their own speeches. The MZ reporter asked his readers, whether or not they thought the radicals were happy about their victory. From their speeches and other gestures one could surmise that the radicals themselves believed it was only a pyrrhic victory. It was only important to MZ readers, the reporter added, that every one except for those two communist speakers and their comrades, know what the phrases of equality, freedom and fraternity mean for the leftist radicals. One got a small taste of the gentlemanliness (“Herrlichkeiten”) that the Spartacists had to offer at the celebratory feast.

Primary source 3: through the clippings of the Imperial Rural Union

For the past two days I have been looking through the press clippings of the Reichslandbund at the Federal Archives in Berlin-Lichterfeld (the history of the building complex is posted above in German).

The Reichslandbund (Rlb) is translated as the Natural Rural League on the Wikipedia.org site, but that does not make much sense. I would translate it as the Imperial Rural Union, which still does not say much. In 1921, two German agricultural associations united to form the Rlb. Large landowners dominated its politics and it formed a large network of local associations and newspapers to advance the interests of "big" German agriculture alongside those of industry and labor in the Weimar Republic. Benjamin Ziemann suggested I take a look in their press archive, which goes back into the 1890s and reads like a gigantic collection of newspaper articles from newspapers all over Germany that the Rlb organized into a wide range of topics.

Since the collection is so large, I chose to first look at the press collection on Thuringia (Thueringen), the central German region in my study (depicted at left in pink on the map of Germany during the Weimar Republic (1919-1933)). There is so much material that I chose the collection bound in a book for the years 1921-1924. I was interested in these years in particular because of the rise of the Nazi Party in Bavaria to the south and what I knew from earlier research about the rise in political violence and anti-Semitism all around Germany during that time. I wanted to see what fear looked like through this collection and how Germans responded.

Since the collection is primarily newspapers, although other materials occasionally pop up, many of the "voices" among these article clippings are middle class and Protestant, although they collections also include the newspapers of the local agricultural union, the communists and the social democrats. Among the middle class papers, there are conservative, nationalist, racist and democratic voices. It is hard to approach fear this way because I am really looking for descriptions of individual expressions of fear, but I am struck by how much fear does come up in this sampling of German newspapers and the way that Germans were transforming their politics.

In September 1921, Thuringia held its state parliamentary elections and the "Red Block" of Social Democrats (SPD), Independent Social Democrats (USPD) and Communists (KPD) were able to form a ruling coalition with a combined vote of more than 51%. The middle class Democrats were already well on the way to decline from their early successes in the first Weimar elections, but the other, more conservative middle class parties did very well. Much of the press clippings reflects their positions. Their authors very closely followed the decisions of the ruling "Red Block" coalition and the actions of everyday people who supported Social Democracy or Communism in Thuringian communities and they tended to play on the fears that middle class, Protestant Germans associated with the "Reds". Historians such as Helge Matthiesen have pointed out these trends before, but my research brings out some of the dimensions of these political battles even more. For example, conservative middle class authors tended to play the religion card more so than I think we know. So when the "Red Block" announced a new law in October 1921 that eliminated official state status in Thuringia for the holidays celebrating the Protestant Reformation and Martin Luther's birthday (on October 31 and November 9 respectively), many papers carried headlines that stylized the decision as the beginning salvo in a new "Cultural War" (Kulturkampf) . The law also made the founding of the Weimar Republic (also on November 9) the new state holiday. Dissenting papers noted how the new law would eliminate religious education and choirs in the schools and reported cases of local ministers and teachers protesting the new law. The Rlb's local papers used the law's promulgation to condemn the entire Weimar Republic. In many cases, the dissenting papers exaggerated the very nature of the law, claiming that the socialists and communists wanted to destroy freedom and moral values and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat and the masses. They portrayed political appointments and hiring practices of the ruling state government as infiltrations, allowing socialists and communists to work in the local police forces, and claiming that the government unfairly granted amnesty to people accused of "political crimes" (in their view, to mostly socialists and marxists), while more aggressively prosecuting rightwing associations and censoring their media like the film Fredericus rex after the rightwing assassination of the German-Jewish industrial and political leader, Walther Rathenau in June 1922. In this context, as Matthiesen has noted, conservative middle class authors railed against the powerlessness of the middle classes and called for a unified middle class voting block of their own made up of Protestants, craftsmen and farmers.

What also struck me about these records was how central Thuringia was to German politics in the early 1920s. My project assumes this approach and the archival materials I saw today focus on the region. So these approaches slants my view a bit, but it was remarkable how many papers from other regions picked up on the developments in Thuringia and even claimed that this region was the cultural battleground and political laboratory of Germany. Thuringia was a newly organized political state that contemporary authors often referred to as "Greater Thuringia". Locals writers initially talked excitedly of the possibilities for the idea of a Middle Germany (Mitteldeutschland), but the fear of a "red" central Germany made national headlines in 1921 and 1922 as something Germans should fear. Papers closely followed the region's events, picking up on the terrorist tactics of local communists who organized paramilitary organizations, conducted house searches, stopped local commercial traffic and attacked right-wing demonstrations. When the socialist and communist leaders of the central German states of Braunschweig, Saxony and Greater Thuringia gathered in Dresden to discuss their regional cooperation, papers across Germany painted the picture of socialist Middle Germany as a grave danger to the nation (the Reich).
I have not yet found much public reaction to the rise in anti-Semitism in this region in 1922 and 1923, but I have found files in this collection that thematized this issue too. I will come back in another week to see those. Meanwhile, I am also struck by the region's connections to events in Bavaria and Berlin. With the possibility of a "red" Central Germany, conservative leaders in southern Thuringia were seriously considering joining their districts to the Federal state of Bavaria. In the fall of 1923, hyperinflation, rising unemployment and the French occupation of the Ruhr industrial valley in western Germany dominated the national headlines. Meanwhile, the national government ordered the military in Thuringia and Saxony to keep order, especially against the threat of communist violence and pending revolution. However, a new group calling themselves the National Socialists were literally reported to be massing paramilitary units on the southern borders of Thuringia and the rumor was they were going to seize power in Munich and march on Berlin.